The primary objectives of PM Modi's visit to Japan, scheduled for August 29–30, 2025, are to strengthen
The two countries will launch a new bilateral framework to address economic security challenges. Key
The Indian and Japanese PMs will reportedly review their "Special Strategic and Global Partnership", with a renewed focus on defence, security, and co-development of defence technology. Cooperation on maritime security and joint military exercises, such as the Malabar naval exercise, is a key component. The leaders will reaffirm their commitment to promoting a free and open Indo-Pacific.
The Japan News has reported that the Japanese and Indian governments aim to
Following his visit to Japan, PM Modi will travel to China
While trust deficits with China persist, India stresses multi-alignment, autonomy, anti-terror stance, and regional stability. The sentiments conveyed by China are also quite
Despite his positive remarks, while some diplomatic and trade ties have recently resumed between India and China, major impediments still prevent full normalisation. The deep-seated geopolitical rivalry is driven by an ongoing border dispute
The primary obstacle to full normalisation is the unresolved border dispute along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), which has been an irritant since the 1962 Sino-Indian War. The situation remains fragile despite some progress on de-escalation. India has insisted on restoring the "peace and tranquillity" that existed on the border before the deadly 2020 skirmishes, viewing a resolution of the border as central to the broader relationship. China, however, advocates improving the overall
While a border arrangement was reached in October 2024 on certain points, underlying fault lines remain, and further skirmishes cannot be ruled out. China sees its stronger military capabilities on the border as an advantage. As part of recent efforts to mend ties, both sides have agreed to new dialogue mechanisms to discuss border delimitation and management. However, any final settlement would require political compromise at the highest levels.
A fundamental geopolitical rivalry fuels strategic mistrust and makes lasting rapprochement unlikely. India and China are in a zero-sum security competition for influence in neighbouring regions, including South Asia, the Indian Ocean, and Southeast Asia. India's growing strategic and security cooperation with the US, Japan, and Australia via the Quad is viewed by China as an attempt to contain its influence. From Beijing's perspective, the relationship is unequal, with China in a superior position. It views India more tactically than strategically, which has led to
Despite diplomatic tensions, a significant trade relationship exists, but it creates dependency and leverage issues for India. In 2024–25, India's trade deficit with China grew to nearly $100 billion. China's exports include essential electronics and raw materials that Indian industries depend on. This economic dependency makes India vulnerable to Chinese economic coercion. In July 2025, India called on China to avoid restrictive trade measures, referencing Beijing's restrictions on critical minerals like rare earth
In 2025, some steps have been taken to improve relations, signalling a desire to avoid further deterioration, particularly amidst a changing US foreign policy stance. Following high-level meetings in August 2025, both countries agreed to resume direct flights, reissue tourist visas, and reopen some border trade. Clearly, India is attempting to insulate its economic imperatives from the
China is driven to seek better ties with India primarily by economic motives and strategic geopolitical considerations. Facing protectionist pressures from the United States, Beijing sees improved relations with New Delhi as a
Better trade relations would help both countries to "soften the blow" of tariffs imposed by
China seeks to expand its investments in India, particularly in technology, infrastructure, and
There are also important geopolitical drivers which are
From Beijing's perspective, normalising ties with India helps present an image of regional stability. Easing friction between the two Asian giants could also create a more predictable environment for Beijing's interests, including its massive Belt and Road Initiative projects in neighbouring Pakistan. High-profile diplomatic visits, such as Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's trip to India in August 2025, are an opportunity for China to showcase diplomatic engagement and oppose "unilateral bullying acts", implicitly criticising US foreign policy.
Since the US imposed major new tariffs on India in August 2025, China has worked to improve its relationship with New Delhi. Beijing has indicated it will provide greater access to its markets for Indian goods to help India offset the impact of the US tariffs. Chinese officials have publicly condemned the US for imposing a 50 per cent tariff on Indian goods, with the Chinese Ambassador to India, Xu Feihong, explicitly stating that his country will "firmly stand with India to uphold the multilateral trading system".
The aggressive US tariff policy under the Trump administration has had the unintended consequence of pushing India and China closer together. Faced with US antagonism, India has been forced to recalibrate its foreign policy and seek better relations with its large northern neighbour. However, while China and India have economic incentives to collaborate against US tariffs, deep strategic rivalry and long-standing border disputes persist. Therefore, a fundamental realignment is unlikely, and India will continue to maintain a cautious stance towards China.
In conclusion, the recent improvements in China-India relations should be viewed as a calculated, tactical détente. India’s recalibration of ties with China is a textbook application of its policy of strategic autonomy, which prioritises national interests. While dialogue has resumed on issues like trade and people-to-people exchanges, deeper strategic and security cooperation remains unlikely. The trust deficit runs deep, and India views China with suspicion after the 2020 border clashes. While driven by a shared interest in managing border tensions and responding to a
The writer is a retired Indian diplomat and had previously served as Ambassador in Kuwait and Morocco and as Consul General in New York. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.