The tug-of-war between the Congress and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in Bihar was inevitable, given the asymmetric nature of their alliance. The new generation of political leaders are no longer happy
with the status quo; RJD chief Tejashwi Yadav is attempting to expand beyond his Muslim-Yadav vote base, while Congress leader Rahul Gandhi doesn’t want to play second fiddle to the regional partner. Unfortunately for both, the cracks have appeared on the eve of elections.
The personal chemistry between Gandhi and Yadav does not mirror that of Sonia Gandhi and Lalu Yadav because there is a distinct element of rivalry between the two dynasts. But the basic issue is a conflict of interest. The RJD’s ticket distribution has made it clear that Yadav is eyeing not just the numerically superior OBCs, but the upper castes and Dalits—which comprise part of the traditional Congress vote base as well.
On the surface, this has played out in the form of petty wrangles. The Congress sought to project Gandhi, given his national stature, as the bigger leader, to which Yadav’s supporters took offence. The delay in announcing Yadav as the mahagathbandhan’s chief ministerial nominee did not go down well. Matters came to a head when the RJD refused to allocate the Congress more than 61 seats.
From Yadav’s point of view, this was a practical move, given that the Congress’ poor hit rate in 2020 cost the mahagathbandhan the election. Besides, the Congress has a lot less to bring to the table than it did until 2014. It is no longer the ruling party or even a strong opposition and has consistently failed to take on the BJP one on one.
If the Congress feels it has been reduced to an also-ran in Bihar, it has only itself to blame. Its strategy for revival, and not just in Bihar, has been confined to sloganeering, colourful yatras, vitriolic press statements and joint rallies. Party workers are mobilised around alliterative taglines, while ‘Jan Nayak’ Rahul Gandhi embarks on thousand-km marches and high-fives his regional allies. The high-decibel war cries, geographical leaps of faith, and surface bonhomie with partners haven’t yielded significant electoral dividends.
Gandhi’s votaries claim that his yatras have altered the political landscape by providing a democratic socialist platform in opposition to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s crony capitalism. His message of pluralism, social justice, and voters’ rights has galvanised youth and contributed to the BJP’s reduced seat share in 2024. Congress leaders maintain that Gandhi’s Vote Adhikar Yatra earlier this year has revitalised the party in Bihar and will ensure the mahagathbandhan’s victory in the assembly elections.
This narrative smacks of desperation and wishful thinking. Gandhi’s walkathons may have improved his public image but have failed to spark a social movement. There’s no doubt that Gandhi is now being taken more seriously as a politician. He may even have set a fashion trend, judging from knockoffs of his white polo T-shirts that are being sold on Amazon as ‘Rahul Gandhi collar printed T-shirt, white’! But the fact is that he has failed to maintain the momentum of his yatras. After the Bihar march, he disappeared from the scene, leaving Tejashwi to carry the campaign on his own.
Even the party’s political slogans have failed to capture the national or regional mood and do not resonate with voters. In Bihar, the Congress has opted for ‘Vote chor, gaddi chhor’ (vote thief, quit your seat). Although prima facie catchy, it evokes the party’s 2019 war cry, ‘Chowkidar chor hai’. This proved to be the most counter-productive slogan ever, in that it powered the BJP to ‘teen sau paar’ (300-plus seats). Fortunately for the Mahagathbandhan, the RJD has cleverly targeted young voters, who will be a critical factor in the assembly polls: ‘Bihar ke yuvaon ki jai hai, iss baar Tejashwi tai hai’ (hail to Bihar’s youth, Tejashwi is certain to win).
The Congress needs to work on its coalition dhamma. The faux bonhomie between Congress and RJD was exposed early in the campaign. The RJD’s disgust with AICC Bihar in-charge Krishna Allavaru, a close aide of Gandhi’s, became evident in the wake of his yatra. Bitter wrangling over seat sharing strained the alliance to a breaking point, forcing veteran Congress leader Ashok Gehlot to intervene in a bid to smooth tempers. The end result is not-so-‘friendly contests’ between the alliance partners on several seats.
To make matters worse, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), last fortnight, exited the polls in Bihar, openly accusing the mahagathbandhan of betrayal. The implications of the breach are worrying, as the JMM has said it intends to review its alliance with the Congress and the RJD in Jharkhand, where it is the ruling party.
The Congress has yet to come to grips with the conundrum it faces in both states and in other states as well. Unlike the BJP, which has gained strength from alliances, the Congress has not. In Bihar, it cannot hope to revive while it remains under the RJD’s thumb. On the other hand, it cannot hope to win even the 19 seats it did in 2020 without the RJD’s support. Likewise, in Jharkhand, it has been the JMM’s junior partner since 2005.
Clearly, the Congress has to rethink its electoral strategy. Yatras, slogans that fall flat, and opportunistic alliances will not do the trick. A mahagathbandhan victory will strengthen the RJD, but it will make sure that the Congress remains a dependent.
Bhavdeep Kang is a senior journalist with 35 years of experience in working with major newspapers and magazines. She is now an independent writer and author.
